An Annotated Guide to the Sources
The record behind Goodwill Has No Leverage: Megan Davis’s own statements from 2015 to 2026, the Uluru architecture, the state record in Queensland and Victoria, and the research on the 2023 referendum.
This guide accompanies the essay Goodwill Has No Leverage: Megan Davis and the Demands of Structural Justice. The essay’s seventeen notes cite each source at its point of use; this page describes the sources themselves and states what each contributes to the argument.
Megan Davis in Her Own Words
UNSW Newsroom. “Megan Davis appointed to PM’s Referendum Council.” December 2015, https://www.unsw.edu.au/newsroom/news/2015/12/megan-davis-appointed-to-pm-s-referendum-council.
The earliest statement of the essay’s central distinction. Davis places recognition on a spectrum from “weak” acknowledgement in a preamble to “strong” recognition through structural reform, and reports the fear among Aboriginal people that symbolic change would lack the durability to compel real change. Everything that followed, including the Uluru sequence and the insistence on constitutional entrenchment, grows from that 2015 concern about durability.
Davis, Megan. 2018 Parkes Oration. Parkes Foundation, https://parkesfoundation.org.au/activities/orations/2018-oration/.
Delivered in the context of the republic debate, the oration names truth and justice as the twin pillars of reconciliation and argues that no new expression of popular sovereignty can rest on an unresolved dispossession. It shows Davis treating truth as a pillar rather than a substitute, a point the later sources refine.
Uluru Dialogue. “Prof Davis: Voice more important than truth commissions.” Report of Davis’s speech at the launch of the Towards Truth database, https://ulurustatement.org/prof-davis-voice-more-important-than-truth-commissions/.
The source for two of the essay’s sharpest quotations: that the reconciliation framework required little of the state while relying on private action, and that after the 2017 Convention “a truth commission is not what our people asked for.” The speech supplies the essay’s reading of reconciliation as a framework that shifted the burden from governments to corporations, charities, universities, and individuals.
Davis, Megan. “What I am Reading! (Weekly).” Substack, 11 June 2026, https://professormegandavis1.substack.com/p/what-i-am-reading-the-problem-with.
Davis’s most recent written position. She supports truth-telling and the Towards Truth database, rejects a top-down, state-supervised transitional-justice process at this juncture, reports unpublished research finding that the broader community does not support truth-telling, and links her Weekend Australian piece from National Reconciliation Week 2026 arguing that reconciliation forms part of the problem. The line that political strategy matters as much as righteous aspirations frames the essay’s treatment of the referendum.
“‘An idea whose time will come’: Megan Davis on the way forward after Voice referendum loss.” The Guardian, 4 October 2024, https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2024/oct/04/an-idea-whose-time-will-come-megan-davis-on-the-way-forward-after-voice-referendum-loss.
The first extended interview after the referendum. Davis argues that governments will find Indigenous affairs harder without a legitimately elected representative body to consult. The essay uses it to show that the practical problem the Voice addressed survived the Voice’s defeat.
Morse, Dana, and Sean Mantesso. “From truth-telling to closing the gap, First Nations leaders outline their priorities in 2026.” ABC News, 25 January 2026, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-01-25/truth-telling-closing-the-gap-indigenous-affairs-agenda-2026/106260862.
The single most important source for the essay’s current-state argument, cited at five points. Davis expresses scepticism about a national truth-telling body, names Closing the Gap as the priority for 2026, contrasts Australia with Canada and the United States on constitutional recognition and treaty, and describes the referendum as a political loss at a point in time from which the movement should go again. The same article records Travis Lovett’s case for a national truth-telling process and Kerrynne Liddle’s practical-outcomes position, which lets the essay present the disagreement in one frame.
Davis, Megan. Voice of Reason: On Recognition and Renewal. Quarterly Essay 90, Black Inc., 2023, https://www.blackincbooks.com.au/books/voice-reason.
Davis’s fullest published statement of the case for the Voice, written before the referendum. The essay cites it for context rather than for any particular claim; readers who want her argument at length should begin here.
Biographical sources. UNSW Sydney, “Professor Megan Davis,” https://www.unsw.edu.au/staff/megan-davis; Uluru Dialogue, “Professor Megan Davis,” https://ulurustatement.org/about-us/our-people/megan-davis/; UNSW Newsroom, “UNSW community recognised with Australia Day Honours,” 26 January 2025, https://www.unsw.edu.au/newsroom/news/2025/01/UNSW-community-recognised-with-Australia-Day-Honours; UNSW Newsroom, “Megan Davis appointed visiting professor at Harvard,” December 2023, https://www.unsw.edu.au/news/2023/12/megan-davis-appointed-visiting-professor-at-harvard-.
These establish her nation, her current appointments, her UN service, her honours, and her role as a principal architect of the Referendum Council’s dialogues. The essay states them because an argument about who holds authority to speak for First Nations peoples should say plainly who its subject is.
The Uluru Architecture
Uluru Statement from the Heart. 26 May 2017, https://ulurustatement.org/the-statement/view-the-statement/.
The primary text. It names First Nations powerlessness as structural, calls for a constitutionally enshrined Voice and a Makarrata Commission for agreement-making and truth-telling, and closes with an invitation to walk together. The essay cites it directly for the phrase “the torment of our powerlessness” rather than through any secondary account.
UNSW Indigenous Law Centre. “Uluru Statement from the Heart,” https://www.unsw.edu.au/indigenous/research/uluru-statement-from-the-heart; and Davis, Megan. “Voice, treaty, truth: Q&A with Professor Megan Davis.” Contact, University of Queensland, 2020, https://stories.uq.edu.au/contact-magazine/2020/voice-treaty-truth/index.html.
Together these document the thirteen regional dialogues and explain the sequence. In the UQ interview Davis states that the dialogues judged treaty impossible without prior recognition of a First Nations Voice, which is why Voice came first. The essay relies on this to present Voice, Treaty, and Truth as an ordered architecture rather than three interchangeable themes.
Fullagar, Kate. “Why does Truth come third?” Inside Story, 27 March 2026, https://insidestory.org.au/why-does-truth-come-third/.
A historian’s reading of the sequence, prompted by a question Davis herself posed to historians. Fullagar shows that the Referendum Council’s final report engaged history at length and placed truth third on purpose, which lets the essay describe the sequence as a strategic judgement rather than indifference to the past.
The State Record Since the Referendum
Queensland Truth-telling and Healing Inquiry and the repeal of the Path to Treaty Act 2023 (Qld), 2024.
The essay’s evidence for institutional fragility. The Inquiry commenced on 1 July 2024 for a three-year term, held its first Meanjin hearings on 18–20 September 2024, heard from seven government agencies on 24 September 2024, and ceased on 29 November 2024 when the repeal received Royal Assent, one day after the government introduced the bill. My essay From Discomfort to Responsibility sets out the same chronology.
Premier of Victoria. “Victoria’s Treaty Becomes Law.” 13 November 2025, https://www.premier.vic.gov.au/victorias-treaty-becomes-law; Governor of Victoria. “Granting of Royal Assent for the Statewide Treaty Bill.” 13 November 2025, https://www.governor.vic.gov.au/granting-royal-assent-statewide-treaty-bill; Treaty Victoria. “Treaty timeline,” https://www.treatyvictoria.vic.gov.au/timeline.
The essay’s evidence for what an elected First Nations body can secure. These official sources give the legislative chronology, the tabling of Yoorrook’s final reports on 1 July 2025, and the functions of Gellung Warl: advising government and Parliament, representing First Peoples in continuing negotiations, holding government to account, and providing for ongoing truth-telling. The essay also draws from them the qualification that Gellung Warl rests on statute, which keeps Davis’s durability question open.
The Coalition’s repeal pledge and the 2026 election. ABC News, 14 October 2025, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2025-10-14/victoria-liberal-opposition-first-peoples-treaty-scrapped/105888108; National Indigenous Times, 20 November 2025, https://nit.com.au/20-11-2025/21388/new-victorian-liberal-leader-reaffirms-partys-plan-to-abolish-treaty; ABC News, 28 March 2026, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-03-28/first-peoples-assembly-voting-treaty-next-step/106504744; National Indigenous Times, 10 August 2026, https://nit.com.au/10-08-2026/25851/polling-shows-liberals-treaty-repeal-not-a-priority-for-victorian-voters; ABC News, 28 July 2026, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-07-28/jacinta-allan-resigns-as-premier-of-victoria/106799850.
These turn the essay’s durability argument from principle into forecast. The Coalition committed in October 2025 to repeal the Statewide Treaty Act within a hundred days of taking office and to replace Gellung Warl with a department and an unelected advisory group; Jess Wilson reaffirmed the commitment on becoming Liberal leader in November 2025. Jacinta Allan’s resignation on 28 July 2026, with Labor trailing in published polling before the election of 28 November 2026, makes repeal a live prospect. The August 2026 YouGov poll shows Treaty holding plurality public support, which the essay notes without treating it as protection: public support did not save Queensland’s inquiry either.
Productivity Commission. Review of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap: Study Report. Released 7 February 2024, https://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries-and-research/closing-the-gap-review/report/; and Minister for Indigenous Australians. “Second Productivity Commission Review of the National Agreement on Closing the Gap.” August 2026, https://ministers.pmc.gov.au/mccarthy/second-productivity-commission-review-national-agreement-closing-gap.
The essay’s measurable test for shifting power. The Commission’s first review found that governments had largely not fulfilled the four Priority Reforms, that most actions relabelled business as usual, and that a “government knows best” attitude blocked the transfer of power; its first recommendation was that governments share power. The second review, due to the Joint Council by late 2027, will report on whether anything changed. Because every government signed the Agreement, the review converts “shifting power” from aspiration into an audited obligation.
The Referendum and Its Interpretation
Australian Electoral Commission. 2023 federal referendum results, https://www.aec.gov.au/Elections/referendums/2023.htm; and McAllister, Ian, and Nicholas Biddle. “Safety or Change? The 2023 Australian Voice Referendum.” Australian Journal of Political Science 59, no. 2 (2024): 141–160.
The AEC supplies the result: 39.94 per cent Yes nationally and 31.79 per cent in Queensland. McAllister and Biddle, working from a large national survey, find that the absence of bipartisan support led voters to weigh the perceived risk of constitutional change above the prospect of better outcomes for First Nations people. The essay uses both to take the No case seriously as argument rather than dismiss it as manufactured fear, and to draw the lesson that persuasion operates inside structures of power.
The Debate Inside the Movement
The ABC article of 25 January 2026, described above, records the positions of Travis Lovett, Katie Kiss, Tony McAvoy SC, and Jill Gallagher in favour of a national truth-telling process alongside Davis’s scepticism and Kerrynne Liddle’s practical-outcomes case. The essay presents that disagreement openly, because Davis’s own principle, that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples hold many political perspectives, forbids an ally from quoting only the First Nations voice that suits the argument.